Utskrift från Malmö högskola - mah.se
Utskrift från Malmö högskola - mah.se
Now showing items 1-20 of 28
| A Study of Swedish War Materiel Export; the Paradox between Rhetoric,... |
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| Hubbe, Carin : Malmö högskola/Lärarutbildningen (2007) |
1-year master STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | I takt med att Sveriges export av krigsmateriel blir allt mindre restriktiv blir den också mer exportorienterad. Sverige är idag en av världens tionde största vapenexportörer. Förra året exporterades krigsmateriel för över tio miljarder kronor. Det är den största summan i Sveriges historia. Sveriges största krigsmaterielimportör är USA. Sedan Irakkriget bröt ut i Mars 2003, har Sveriges export av krigsmateriel till USA ökat markant. Sverige exporterar idag också krigsmateriel till ett flertal länder där grava kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter förekommer, trots dess väldigt restriktiva lagar och riktlinjer på detta område. Denna studie har avsikten att kasta ljus över Sveriges export av krigsmateriel; den belyser hur Sverige försöker upprätthålla sin fasad som ett neutralt land medan det bakom kulisserna paradoxalt nog exporteras mer och mer krigsmateriel till kritiska stater; helt i strid med dess lagar och riktlinjer. Genom att fokusera på händelseutvecklingen sedan Inspektionen för Strategiska Produkter bildades 1996 samt på vad denna nya myndighet har inneburit för Svensk Krigsmateriel Industri dras slutsatser om hur denna paradox kan fortlöpa. Detta är särskilt intressant eftersom Sverige idag står inför ett vägval då beslut kommer tas gällande nya riktlinjer för Sveriges vapenexport. |
| Swedish abstract: | Major changes have occurred within the Swedish War Materiel Industry over the past decade. Sweden has transformed from being a truly neutral country, with uniquely restrictive war materiel exportation laws and policies, into being one of the ten largest exporters of war materiel in the world. Most of the manufactured war materiel in Sweden is now used for export. An increasing trend of export has made the Swedish War Materiel Trade Industry flourish. On the front stage, towards the public, Sweden is upholding its image of being a neutral country. Its doctrine is the same as it has been since the beginning of the 1990s: that Sweden has restrictive arms trade politics. It is true that Sweden has strict laws and guidelines concerning war material trade; according to these, export of war materiel is not allowed to countries where extensive human rights violations occur. Neither is it allowed to countries in armed conflict, where there is a fear that an armed conflict will occur nor to a State with domestic armed disturbances/conflicts. Also, Swedish war materiel trade should never be in conflict with its foreign policy goals, which are enhancing Sweden’s contribution to freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and sustainable development in the world. Despite this, Swedish war materiel export has now reached the highest amount in Swedish history. Backstage, the view of export has changed and an export-oriented custom has taken hold. In the 1990s, Swedish war materiel production increased with an average of 5.5 percent every year. But over the past 4 years, the trend has increased drastically, especially due to the Iraq War. Since it broke out, the total export of war materiel has almost doubled. In 2006 it exceeded ten billion SEK, which means that during the past ten years, the Swedish arms trade industry has more than tripled – from three billion SEK per year to over ten billion SEK. Not only has Sweden increased its export of war materiel to the USA - in times of war - but also to countries where extensive violations of human rights occurs, for example India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Mexico, Thailand and Bahrain. The front stage behaviour and the backstage action contradict each other. There is a difference in rhetoric and practice. It is a paradox to appear neutral front stage when exporting war materiel to ‘critical States’ backstage. Somehow Sweden has come to facilitate a climate that allows this to happen. |
tillpdf.pdf
(353.4Kb)
| Bal.Kan - Europe´s Demonized Other |
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| Cenaki, Marco : Malmö högskola/IMER (2005) |
1-year master STUDENT ESSAY |
d-uppsats pdf.pdf
(266.7Kb)
| Border War between Ecuador and Peru - Can there be Positive Peace wit... |
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| Erdal, Solveig Karin : Malmö högskola/IMER (2004) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | n this paper, the role of the indigenous communities in the conflict, war, and peace process relating to the disputed border region between Ecuador and Peru, settled in 1998, is analysed and discussed. The hypothesis is that to establish an enduring and positive peace, the indigenous communities living at the frontier should not be excluded from the process. The research question is How does the integration of Indians into the peace process in Ecuador and Peru influence the prospects for development of positive peace? The student looks at the ties indigenous have to the states of Ecuador and Peru, both as individual citizens and as Indian communities, and uses this basis for recommending in the conclusion that although the indigenous were not party to the peace negotiations, they should be party to the development of positive peace. |
| Swedish abstract: | Om fredsförhandlingarna efter kriget mellan Ecuador och Peru, och varför ursprungsbefolkningen inte tog del. |
Ecuador-Peru.pdf
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| Can Mobile Phone Numbers Serve as Ethnic Markers? And the Ethnic Divi... |
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| Zetterholm, Joakim : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2011) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | In Bosnia and Herzegovina mobile phone numbers can in some way reflect ethnicity. This study will describe how and why urban youth in Sarajevo, in their own stated reality motivate and perceive selection of mobile phone companies and mobile phone numbers in Bosnia and Herzegovina according to their ethnic group. The research questions are: How do urban youth in Sarajevo reason when they choose mobile phone companies? How do urban youth in Sarajevo perceive and understand consequences of the divide of mobile phone companies and numbers in Bosnia and Herzegovina? To what extent can mobile phone numbers be perceived as an ethnic marker? By using qualitative interviews the results of the study is presented. Mobile phone numbers can serve as an ethnic marker, but it is not used by urban youth in Sarajevo to distinguish ethnicity. Finally, the thesis argues that an ethnic structure among mobile phone companies are discovered but even in this rigid ethnic structure people choose mobile phone companies of economic reasons rather than of ethnic implications. |
| Child, soldier, child soldier - the implications of the construction ... |
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| Huttunen, Marjukka : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2011) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | This paper investigates the view that non-governmental organizations have on childhood and child soldiers, and what its implications on the rehabilitation and reintegration of former child soldiers can be. Four documents produced by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers are examined by using qualitative discourse analysis. Postcolonial theory and new sociology of childhood are the main theoretical frameworks applied to the study. The study finds that the documents share a certain view of childhood, and that the aim of rehabilitation is to reproduce the child in that image. As the discourse may not be shared with local community, it is necessary to become aware of the different discourses and attempt to reconcile them. |
marjukka_thesis.pdf
(255.7Kb)
| En landsinsamlings problematik- En analys av Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke... |
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| Lundgren, Lina : Malmö högskola/IMER (2006) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | The essay will tell you about the problems an NGO is facing when it comes to the phenomenon of collecting money for a certain chosen goal. Why do or don't people support a collect, and who are they?, that is one of the questions that will be treated in this essay. The aim is to explain the importance of voluntary contribution, and the matter of thit it really matters to give coins or larger sums of money in collections of organisations that we trust, but it is also the purpose of the essay to look in to the topic of why people are not giving, to understand that as a major problem. Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke (MS), where I did my internship, will be the example of the research. |
| Swedish abstract: | Denna uppsats kommer att ta upp de problem en NGO möter när det kommer till fenomenet att samla in pengar för ett särskilt ändamål. Varför stödjer eller inte stödjer människor insamlingar?, det är en av de frågor som kommer att behandlas i denna uppsats. Syftet är att förklara vikten av frivilligt arbete, och att det verkligen gör skillnad att ge slantar eller större summor pengar till de organisationer vi har förtroende för, men även är det syftet att i denna uppsats titta närmare på ämnet: varför människor inte ger, för att förstå det som ett problem i sig. Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke (MS) där jag gjorde min praktik, kommer att stå som exempel i denna uppsats. |
Uppsats_utkast.pdf
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| Föreställningar om etnicitet som orsak till politiskt våld - ett antr... |
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| Westberg, Anja : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2008) | STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | The aim of the thesis is to examine discourses about political violence categorised as “ethnic” in academic literature and the media. Employing the method of discourse analysis, the study analyses news coverage of the wars in former Yugoslavia 1991-1995. The theory applied is based on Michel Foucault’s theory of the relationship between power and discourse in the constitution of knowledge, and the main arguments are supported by the work of the political scientist V. P Gagnon Jr. and the social anthropologist Stef Jansen. The empirical material consists of 60 articles from three Swedish newspapers; Svenska Dagbladet, Sydsvenska Dagbladet and Arbetet. Three types of representations of the war in former Yugoslavia are identified in the analysis; primordialism and “ethnic hatred”, neoprimordialism and ethnic mobilisation, as well as the Balkan perceived as a primitive “other”. It is argued that journalistic stories in the news coverage are imbedded in dominant discourses that produce knowledge and “truths” about so-called “ethnic conflicts”, assuming that ethnicity is the cause of violence. Therefore, the thesis shows the need for anthropological knowledge about the process of ethnic identification during conflict. |
C-uppsats Anja Westberg.pdf
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| Human Security in Serbia: A Case Study of the Economic and Personal S... |
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| Gustafsson, Jenny : Malmö högskola/IMER (2008) |
1-year master STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | The aim of this study was twofold; firstly it sought to describe the human security situation of Roma IDPs and IDPs living in collective centers, secondly it tried to create an understanding for how the human security situation can affect IDPs capabilities to develop. The findings of the study were mainly based on a field study conducted in Belgrade, Serbia for two months. The results of the study were that IDPs in collective centers have a poor human security situation regarding basic income, employment, adequate housing and experienced personal security. Roma IDPs suffer from the same insecurities, but in addition also has poor human security in basic education and personal safety. Their stagnant human security situation proved to be the result of the inability to help IDPs by the actors involved in the relief work. Obstacles such as the Serbian government’s policy of return, a society in transition, the status of IDPs, lack of necessary documents together with lack of agency of IDPs and mistrust between different levels of the society, have hindered a positive improvement of IDPs human security situation. Their poor human security situation and their lack of instrumental freedoms in the Serbian society have lead to limited prospects for these two groups of IDPs to develop in the Serbian society. |
d-thesis.pdf
(5.989Mb)
| Individ i rotation - Om motiveringar för valet att söka utlandstjänst... |
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| Ekblad, Ingemar (2011) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | The Swedish military is trough the rescindment of military conscription on the 1 July 2010 taking a defining step towards a professional army. They stand before big recruitment challenges, not least to its foreign missions. This thesis aims to examine the motivations of individuals for going on missions abroad with the military. The thesis is built on seven qualitative interviews with individuals who have done foreign missions and is planning further rotations. The theory used is Fabrizio Battistellis motivation theory and a form of discourse analysis. I show how individuals refer to three types of motives for going on foreign missions and how these should be seen as a motive triangle. I also demonstrate how individual’s motives change from mission to mission in interaction with mission experience, civilian employment and previous motives. This proves that post-materialist (adventure, challenge, etc) motives disappear over time. I also show that the military’s national security motives for foreign missions are not shared by the individuals, which, however, feel strong togetherness with the military. I highlight that the individual's soldier identity is morally enhanced by appreciation from the society at large and that criticism of the military negatively affects the prestige of military employment. |
Individ i rotation. Ingemar Ekblad.pdf
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| Kriget mot terrorismen: Från krigshandling till brottshandling? |
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| Nordman, Mattias : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2012) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | The purpose of this study was to come to realization on whether the Bush administration's conduct regarding the treatment of inmates in the American prison camp in Cuba can be considered legal or not. My analysis shows that the U.S. has violated international and national laws. I have come to this realization by identifying the most important single actions – and their purposes – related to the U.S. conduct, and by comparing them with international law and U.S. national laws and agreements. Three single actions have been in focus; the establishment of the prison camp in Cuba, with the purpose to eliminate the prisoners' rights to constitutional protection by detaining them outside U.S. land borders; the establishment of the term "unlawful combatant", with the purpose to eliminate the prisoners' POW status, and thus the international legal protection accruing prisoners of war within the laws of war and; the rough physical and psychological treatment of the prisoners, in order to obtain information to prevent terrorism. With a legal method of working, I have thus tested these actions against the U.S. Constitution and the establishment of new national laws, against the Geneva Conventions and its additional protocols, and against UN conventions. |
| Swedish abstract: | Syftet med den här studien var att komma till insikt om huruvida Bushadministrationens ageranden kring behandlingen av internerna i det nordamerikanska fånglägret på Kuba kan betraktas vara legala eller inte. Mina analyser visar att USA har brutit mot internationella såväl som nationella lagar. Jag har kommit till denna insikt genom att identifiera de viktigaste handlingarna – och dess syften – i anslutning till USAs ageranden och genom att jämföra dessa med internationell rätt och med USAs nationella lagar och avtal. Tre handlingar har stått i fokus; upprättandet av fånglägret på Kuba, med syfte att eliminera fångarnas konstitutionella skydd genom att internera dem utom USAs landsgränser; instiftningen av begreppet "illegal kombattant", med syfte att tillintetgöra internernas krigsfångestatus och därmed det internationellrättsliga skydd som tillfaller krigsfångar genom krigets lagar och; den hårda fysiska och psykiska behandlingen av fångarna, med syfte att erhålla information för att förhindra terrorism. Med en juridisk arbetsmetod har jag således prövat dessa handlingar mot USAs konstitution och mot instiftningen av nya nationella lagar, mot Genèvekonventionerna med dess tilläggsprotokoll och mot FN-konventioner. |
Kandidatuppsats - M Nordman.pdf
(1.553Mb)
| Learning for Development: Constructing Inclusive Work Relations in a ... |
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| Hansen, Christina : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2010) |
1-year master STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | Development projects often conceptualize target groups that are identified as – ‘the poor’, ‘the underdeveloped’, ‘the illiterate’ – with the aim to ‘help’, ‘develop’ or ‘educate’ them. The definitions of ‘problems’ are based on knowledge deriving from the same source as the ideas of development interventions, and therefore may ignore local knowledge. By analyzing one micro-level case this thesis suggests that projects aiming to promote development may in fact fail to accomplish their goals. This study is based on ethnographic material collected through fieldwork in one local neighbourhood of Dondo, which is a rural town in central Mozambique. It explores how development discourse and practice are introduced in a local setting, how they operate, and the way in which they are transformed and utilized. The encounters between outsiders and insiders in conditions of economic and material inequality, and the work relations between superiors and socially less privileged people, are characterized by reciprocal preconceptions and stereotyped images of ‘the Other’. In Dondo historically and culturally normalized social relations have come to marginalize economically less advantaged residents. The divisions between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ may legitimize and maintain the marginalization of local knowledge, as well as local people’s participation. At the same time, a lack of trust towards outsiders’ expertise exists amongst insiders, which impedes recognition of ‘outer’ knowledge that could contribute to local development. These factors obstruct the creation of inclusive work relations; a give-and-take relationship in which both sides learn and benefit from each other’s experience and knowledge. Therefore, this thesis argues for mutual learning as a precondition for development. Certain leadership approaches may enable development, if it is practiced with the aim to challenge existing power inequalities and discursively created images of self and others that operate within development contexts. |
| Swedish abstract: | Utvecklingsprojekt förutsätter konstruerade målgrupper – ”de fattiga”, ”de under-utvecklade”, ”analfabeter” – som man ämnar ”hjälpa”, ”utveckla” eller ”utbilda”. Vad som definieras vara ”problemen” baseras på kunskap som härrör från samma källa som idéerna till utvecklingsinsatser. Detta riskerar att ignorera lokalkännedom. Denna uppsats visar, genom analys av ett fall på mikronivå, att projektmål som syftar till att främja utveckling inte alltid lyckas. Denna studie är baserad på etnografiskt material hämtat från ett bostadsområde i Dondo, en landsortsbygd i centrala Moçambique, genom fältarbete. Studien utforskar hur en utvecklingsdiskurs och praxis införs i en lokal ort, hur detta påverkar människorna, samt hur de används och förändras. Mötet mellan utomstående och lokalboende i ekonomiska och materiella ojämlika förhållanden, och arbetsrelationerna mellan ledare och personer med lägre social status, kännetecknas av ömsesidiga fördomar och stereotypa bilder av ”den andre”. I Dondo har historiskt och kulturellt normaliserade sociala relationer kommit att marginalisera ekonomiskt mindre gynnade invånare. Uppdelningen mellan insiders och outsiders legitimerar och upprätthåller marginaliseringen av lokal kunskap och exkluderingen av lokala invånares deltagande. Samtidigt finns det en brist på tilltro till utomståendes expertis bland lokalboende, som hindrar erkännande av ”yttre” kunskap som kan bidra till lokal utveckling. Dessa faktorer hindrar skapandet av inkluderande arbetsrelationer, det vill säga ett ge-och-ta-förhållande där båda parter lär och drar nytta av varandras erfarenheter och kunskap. Denna uppsats hävdar därför att ömsesidigt lärande är en förutsättning för utveckling. En viss typ av ledarskap kan möjliggöra utveckling om den tillämpas i syfte att utmana befintliga ojämlika maktförhållanden och diskursivt konstruerade bilder av sig själv och andra som cirkulerar i utvecklingssammanhang. |
| Media Portrayals of the Russian-Chechen Conflict. Representations of ... |
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| Westberg, Anja : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2010) |
1-year master STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | The thesis aims to examine discourses about internal and “ethnic” violent conflicts as seen in media representations of the Russian-Chechen conflict. Employing the method of discourse analysis, the study analyses news coverage of the two post-Soviet wars in Chechnya between 1995 and 2009. The theoretical approach is supported by the work of political scientist Michael Evangelista (2002) as well as anthropologists Valery Tishkov (2004) and Jakob Rigi (2007). The empirical material consists primarily of a selection of articles published by CNN and two Swedish dailies; Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. The thesis argues that this material tends to rely on a rather simplistic portrayal of the parties in the conflict. Violent responses to the Russian troops are frequently represented as a “collective resistance” from a unified group with shared aspirations, an image which stand in contrast to stories from the ground. Representations of Chechens varies between the image of “rebels” and “victims”, but this group is exclusively portrayed as an ethnic group which historically has persisted as culturally different from the rest of the population in Russia. Such images contribute to portray Chechens’ drive for independence as the primary cause for the wars, which in turn downplays the role of Chechen leaders throughout the conflict. The thesis suggests that the news coverage is embedded in dominant discourses about identity formation and war which shape the selective process of storytelling in the media. The thesis concludes that discourses which are produced during violent conflict should not be taken as evidence for the true nature of difference and antagonism between groups. |
| Swedish abstract: | Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka diskurser om interna och ”etniska” konflikter som återfinns i representationer av den rysk-tjetjenska konflikten i media. Med diskursanalys som metod analyseras nyhetsrapportering av de två post-sovjetiska krigen i Tjetjenien mellan 1995 och 2009. Uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkt baseras på studier av statsvetaren Michael Evangelista (2002) samt antropologerna Valery Tishkov (2004) och Jakob Rigi (2007). Det empiriska materialet består framförallt av ett urval artiklar publicerade av CNN samt två svenska dagstidningar, Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att detta material tenderar att presentera en förenklad bild av konfliktens parter. De väpnade motattackerna mot de ryska trupperna porträtteras som ett kollektivt motstånd från en enad etnisk grupp med gemensamma mål, en bild som ofta står i kontrast till berättelser från ”marken”. Representationer av tjetjener varierar mellan bilden av ”rebeller” och ”offer”, men gruppen beskrivs uteslutande som en etnisk grupp som historiskt har bestått som kulturellt skilda från resten av den ryska befolkningen. Dessa skildringar bidrar till att tjetjeners strävan efter självständighet tolkas som den främsta förklaringen till krigen, vilket tonar ner de tjetjenska ledarnas roll i konflikten. Uppsatsen menar att nyhetsrapporteringen ger uttryck för mer dominanta diskurser om identitetsskapande och krig vilka formar historieberättandet i media. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att diskurser som produceras under väpnade konflikter inte ska tolkas som bevis för till synes naturliga skillnader och antagonism mellan olika grupper. |
D-uppsats Anja Westberg.pdf
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| Migrant Worker: Commodity or Human? |
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| Pearson, Matilda : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2009) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | This paper uses peace and conflict theory to analyse the migrant worker issue in the Gulf States, focusing on Indian construction workers in the emirate of Dubai. Peace and conflict theory is found to provide a missing perspective on the question, which is best understood in an interdisciplinary frame-work combined with for example migration and development theory. Migrant workers’ vulnerability in the global free market is described and the modern economic history of the Gulf region is discussed to explain today’s unique labour situation. Different regional and local parties to the conflict are identified to distinguish guiding interests and their impact on the conflict. Put in an international perspective, the same conflict mechanisms found in the Gulf are detected globally. They reveal widespread practises of structural and cultural violence that can only be contested by a vibrant global civil society guided by truly cosmopolitan values. |
Bachelor Matilda Pearson.pdf
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| Militära och civila uppfattningar om svenska militärer och deras medv... |
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| Novotny, Sofie : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2010) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | With the starting point in UN peacekeeping operations, this essay investigates the participation of the Swedish armed forces and how the Swedish soldiers perceive their role in those operations. The aim of the study was to explore different perceptions about the Swedish soldiers in international operations. Partly from the Swedish soldiers perspective and how they perceived their own role as soldiers. Partly from the perspective of civilians, like Swedish aid workers, and how they perceive the Swedish soldiers. The third perspective was from a person with mixed experiences from both the military and the civilian work. The aim was also to investigate the discrepancy between the perceptions and its consequences. The method used was interviews with six informants, both soldiers and civilians. The interviews were based on three subjects: soldiers and civilians, men and women as soldiers, and soldiers from Sweden compared to soldiers from other countries. The result showed that there is a discrepancy between different perceptions and that a broader understanding was given from the informant who had the experience from both military and civilian work in international operations. This can lead to the assumption that it is preferable to have more experience from different roles. The abolishment of the compulsory military service may inhibit this broader perspective in the Swedish military. |
| Minnet av 6-7 septemberhändelserna - istanbulbornas minne av upploppe... |
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| Berntsson, Åsa : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2010) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | The memory of expulsions among the expelling groups has been fairly studied, and has potential to create new conflicts. This qualitative study uses in-depth interviews to describe the memory of the 6-7 September events and the Greek minority in Istanbul among a group of Turkish descent people living in Beyoglu, Istanbul. Further the study compares the memory with the written history and explains why the memories of the past are shaped according to the present. The Greek minority of Istanbul are remembered in words of friendship and neighbourliness, but these memories are rather a nostalgia of the past for present needs than an image of the past itself. The memories of the events among the studied group are dominated by the general destruction occasioned by the riots but tend to contradict the violence towards the Greek minority. There exists a discrepancy between the memory and the written history concerning the acts of violence during the riots, the underlying causes of the riots and the period after the events. This article explains the reconstructed memory as a product of strategies for avoiding the experience of collective guilt. |
Åsa Berntsson C-uppsats.pdf
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| När gräsrötter blir eliter - En problematiserande studie av lokalt "b... |
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| Karlsson, Markus : Malmö högskola/IMER (2008) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | This essay problemizes the peace building in Somaliland after the declaration of independence in 1991, with the main aim to research whether this peace building process was as local and bottom-up as one might think after a short glimpse of the development; ‘declaration of independence – peace – democratization’. To accomplish this, I have examined the structures surrounding the peace building efforts, among other things on the basis of women’s roles and participation. I also assess the outcome of the peace building process in order to be able to mark it as a success or not, and the effect on which Somaliland’s status as a non-recognized quasi-state has had on the peace building is looked upon. The essay is theoretically rooted in, among others, Lederach’s thoughts about peace building, and the conclusions made are a result of a qualitative text analysis where concept analysis plays a major role. The research shows that even if the peace process can be regarded as bottom-up from an international point of view, this is not the case from a national or local view since major parts of the society, including women and in spite of their major role in the peace process were excluded from, for example, negotiations. The research also shows that the status as a quasi-state isn’t exclusively negative since it also contributes to stability. |
| Swedish abstract: | Denna uppsats är en problematiserande studie av fredsbyggandet i Somaliland efter självständighetsutropet 1991, där fokus läggs på att undersöka huruvida detta fredsarbete var så lokalt förankrat och ”bottom-up” som man efter en första anblick kan ana i och med utvecklingen ’självständighetsutropande-fred-demokratisering’. För att studera detta har jag valt att bland annat titta på vilka strukturer som rådde gällande fredsarbetet, bland annat utifrån kvinnors roller och deltagande. Vidare görs en bedömning huruvida fredsbyggandet i efterhand kan sägas vara lyckat eller inte och effekten av Somalilands status som icke-erkänd kvasistat gällande fredsbyggande undersöks. Teoretiskt sett grundar sig uppsatsen bland annat på Lederachs tankar om fredsbyggande, och resultatet har framkommit utifrån en kvalitativ litteraturstudie där begreppshistorik utgjort en viktig del av metoden. Undersökningen har visat att även om fredsarbetet internationellt sett kan klassificeras som ”bottom-up” var det nationellt sett relativt elitistiskt då stora samhällsgrupper, däribland kvinnor trots deras viktiga fredsbyggande roller, uteslöts från till exempel fredsförhandlingar, samt att statusen som kvasistat inte enbart är negativ utan också bidrar till stabilitet. Nyckelord: Somaliland, fredsbyggande, ”bottom-up”, kvinnors roller i fredsarbetet, kvasistat, Somalia. |
arkexCupps.pdf
(599.9Kb)
| Positivister och konstruktivister på partnerrelaterat våld i relation... |
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| Fredenman, Ljubomir : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2011) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | This BA thesis is a meta-analysis that reviews 21 empirical studies on Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) and gender-relations among military families and the environmental structures in where they live and operate. All studies were published between 1978 and 2011 and reported Intimate Partner Violence in both military and civilian families, atrocities committed by both male and female soldiers and causalities on war and violence. My aim is to test the theory that says; war is depending on patriarchal gender-structures, that construct stereotype masculinities and femininities, which define men as strong, aggressive, and unemotional, while women are assumed to be weak, vulnerable, and caring. By examining both positivist and constructivist research, my ambition is to identify differences and similarities in those approaches, which can contribute to a wider understanding on this specific phenomenon. |
| Swedish abstract: | Denna C-uppsats är en meta-analys som granskar 20 vetenskapliga artiklar om partnerrelaterat våld, grymheter i krig och könsmaktsordningar i militära familjer. Alla studier är publicerade mellan 1978 och 2011 och behandlar våld i parrelationer, grymheter som begåtts av både manliga och kvinnliga soldater och kausala samband mellan krig, militarism och det civila samhället. Mitt mål är att testa teorin som säger att krig beror på patriarkala köns-strukturer som konstruerar stereotypa maskuliniteter och femininiteter, vilka i sin tur definierar män som starka, aggressiva och känslolösa, medan kvinnor antas vara svaga, sårbara, och vårdande. Genom att undersöka och jämföra variabler i både positivistisk och konstruktivistisk forskning, söker jag likheter och skillnader som kan ge en vidare förståelse för hur detta fenomen är sammansatt. |
C-uppsats publicerad.pdf
(985.3Kb)
| Shadowlands - Responding to Terrorism in the International Community |
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| Sandström, Karl : Malmö högskola/IMER (2005) |
1-year master STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | Shadow Lands -Responding to Terrorism in the International Community- The discussion is focused on the problematic relationship between a new level of threat from international terrorism, and international law as it is shaped today. A basis for the discussion is the assumption that international law does not provide applicable tools for an international counter terrorism. The static focus on inter-state relations and wartime offences leaves a wide grey area where both international terrorism and counter terrorism can evolve in uncontrolled conditions. Matters are complicated further by the changing nature both of war and terrorism. It is a “Shadow Lands” of sorts, where the demarcations between international terrorist and counter terrorist, as well as between combatant and non-combatant, could become blurred beyond distinction. International law has come to rely on national legislation to take care of perpetrators of international terrorism. This dependency has created a situation where states not willing, or able, to stop terrorists operating from bases in their territory become safe havens. There appears to be a change to this on the rise, but it is a change driven onwards by states powerful enough to take action, not the international community itself. The underlying thesis is that international law needs to adapt to this new reality. The discussion attempts to answer the question how this can be achieved by examining the tools and conventions available today and discuss approaches and solutions to problems not covered by, or originating in, these. Finally, there is suggested a type model for a court on international terrorism as a constructive way to bring the situation under the control of the international community before either terrorism, or counter terrorism, spins out of hand. |
| Swedish abstract: | Skugglandskap - Att svara på terrorism i det internationella samfundet Diskussionen är fokuserad på det problematiska förhållandet mellan en ny hotnivå från internationell terrorism, och internationell rätt som den är utformad idag. En utgångspunkt för diskussionen är antagandet att internationell rätt inte ger användbara verktyg för en internationell kontra-terrorism. Den statiska fokusen på mellan-statliga relationer och krigsbrott lämnar en bred grå-zon där både internationell terrorism och kontra-terrorism kan utvecklas under okontrollerade former. Saken kompliceras ytterligare av både krig och terrorisms förandrade natur. Det är ett slags "skugglandskap" där gränserna mellan internationell terrorist och kontra-terrorist, likaväl som mellan kombatant och icke-kombatant, riskerar att suddas ut bortom igenkänning. Internationell rätt har kommit att förlita sig på nationella lagar för för att handskas med förövarna av internationell terrorism. Det här beroendet har skapat en situation där stater som inte är villiga, eller förmögna, att stoppa terrorister från att operera från baser på deras territorium, har blivit fristader. Det verkar komma en förändring, men det är en förändring framdriven av stater med nog styrka att agera, inte av det internationella samfundet självt. Den underliggande tesen är att internationell rätt behöver anpassas till denna nya verklighet. Uppsatsen försöker besvara hur detta kan genomföras genom att granska de verktyg och konventioner som finns idag, samt diskutera angreppsvinklar och lösningar på problem inte täckta i, eller rent av skapade av, dessa. SLutligen föreslås en modell för en domstol för internationell terrorism som ett konstruktivt sätt att föra situationen under det internationell samfundets kontroll innan antingen terrorism eller kontra-terrorism spinner bortom kontroll. |
Shadowlands.pdf
(554.0Kb)
| Talk about Civil Society |
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| Tainio, Anna : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2011) |
bachelor STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | In Georgia the non-governmental organisations are active and manifold despite the Soviet heritage of a trampled civil society and lengthy violent conflicts, frozen yet not forgotten. NGOs seek to deal with the problematic issues through information, strengthening civil society and building bridges between antagonists. An organisation consists of individuals and the work is done through “their” individuals towards other individuals. Martha Nussbaum's approach on human well-being, which does not count income or ask for a minimum set of utensils for a universal basic standard, is being offered as a more just way of judging national growth than the GDP. Nussbaum's approach of basic human capability cherishes individuality and different cultures, recognising that not every one wishes the same things in order to feel fulfilled. The capability approach allows persons to choose a preferred way of life, yet lists demands of equal opportunities to all for reaching personal development and accessing possibilities. By analysing the narrations of NGO-staff members thematically according to the capability to affiliate, a relevant feel for the possibilities of successful and satisfying interaction in the NGO-sector emerges and some contemporary issues in the local contexts are presented. The interviews were conducted in Georgia during two months in 2010, and the focus was on relationships and experiences connected to work. Exercising the capability in good measure is presented in the narratives as gaining the individual increased emotion and furthering personal development. Areas where living up to the capability is hampered become also visible: affiliating may brush against existing stereotypical norms in the society. Yet the individuals challenge the restrictions and in doing so develop their civil society and themselves. |
| The Palestinian Refugee Problem: Is there Any Hope for a Sustainable ... |
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| Mohamad, Zakaria (2010) |
1-year master STUDENT ESSAY |
| English abstract: | This thesis is an attempt to find a sustainable solution for the Palestinian refugee problem. It analyzes the Palestinian refugee case and how different actors in the Palestine-Israeli conflict view it. The Palestinian refugees issue is one of the most complicated matters in the peace negotiations between the two parties and without solving it there will be no permanent and sustainable peace in the Middle East region. There is a need for compromise from both the Israelis as well as the Palestinians to find a sustainable solution for the Palestinian refugee problem. The international community in general and those who have the political, military as well as economic power in particular must play an important role in the final settlement of the issue by providing economic incentives to repatriate and compensate the Palestinian refugees. The Right of Return should be respected in any case. While some Palestinian refugees might go back to their historic home land in what nowadays is called Israel, others might have no choice but to be permanently settled in their current host countries provided that they are given full citizenship rights in their host country as well as in the promised Palestinian State. |
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