Browsing Student Essays / Internationella relationer by Title

Alliansen: Samarbete och maktkamp
Rosenlöf, Jens : Malmö högskola/IMER (2007)	bachelor STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:	This essay considers the national interests of the states who are members in NATO and their incitement to continue their membership, though the threat that the alliance was formed to counter has dissolved. With a starting point in my theory I have derived a hypothesis that there are self – centred interests of the states that would explain the persistence of Nato, and these interests varies between the states because of their different capacities and power position. For this study I have used the realist theory to find and identify these self – centred interests within USA, France and Poland who all are members of NATO. I have also used the liberal institutional theory to complement the realist theory. As a result of this essay I found that my hypothesis was valid, and showed that NATO was primarily an arena for the states to exercise and pursue power and influence. I found that the US interest in NATO primary concerns the possibility to delay or prevent the Europeans to adapt a European security organisation that might challenge the US unipolar position. France and Poland has adopted different strategies against the US. France has adopted a balancing strategy to oppose the US, while Poland is bandwagoning with the US to gain some advantages.
Swedish abstract:	Denna studie behandlar de statliga intressen som bidrar till att Nato fortsätter att vara en attraktiv institution för stater, då hotet den bildades för att möta har försvunnit. Jag har utgått ifrån min hypotes att det finns varierande intressen hos staterna beroende på deras kapacitet och maktposition i systemet, som gör det lönsamt för staterna att fortsätta verka inom institutionen. I studien används realismen för att finna och identifiera dessa intressen hos USA, Frankrike och Polen som alla är medlemmar av Nato, men även den liberala institutionalismen avvänds som ett komplement till realismen. Mina resultat bekräftade min hypotes om staternas egenintressen i organisationen, och visade att Nato främst är en arena för staterna att utöva och utöka sin makt och sitt inflytande över andra stater. I USA:s fall handlar det om att fördröja och kanske förhindra att ett europeiskt försvarssamarbete tar form och utvecklar kapacitet att utmana deras unipolära ställning. De två andra staterna har valt att två olika hållningar mot USA, där Frankrike använder sig utav balancing för att begränsa USA:s inflytande och Polen använder sig utav en bangwagoning strategi gentemot USA, för att vinna fördelar.

Microsoft Word ... Samarbete och Maktkamp.pdf (267.2Kb)

Att spränga (köns)gränser: en flerfallstudie av svenska tidningarnas ...
Hendeberg, David : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2010)	bachelor STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:	Suicide bombings as a strategical weapon has become ever more common, which has increased the importance of media coverage of those events. Hence, the aim of this essay is to investigate and problematize the gender stereotypes surrounding female and male suicide bombers respectively, and to understand the origins of these and what they might lead to. In order to do this, four Swedish newspapers' reporting on three different cases of suicide bombings, are put through a narrative analysis: those committed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, in Sri Lanka, and the suicide bombings of the Moscow and London subway systems. The main observations made, are that female suicide bombers, more often than their male counterparts, are defined along the lines of gender. Simultaneously, the newspapers are moving away from gender stereotypical descriptions, such as the one about ”the irrational woman” and the ”rational man”. This move can, in part be explained by the deployment of an attempt to rationalize away and to escape concepts of gender transgressions in order to uphold conceptions of women as non-violent and men as violent. These conceptions runs the risk of making more women turn to suicide bombings, and to boost sympathies for organizations with female suicide bombers, in the public eye, in favor of those with males alone.
Swedish abstract:	Självmordsbombningar som strategiskt vapen har blivit allt vanligare vilket har gjort att betydelsen av mediernas rapportering om dessa har ökat. Uppsatsens syfte är därmed att undersöka och problematisera de könsstereotyper som omgärdar manliga respektive kvinnliga självmordsbombare, samt att förstå vad dessa bottnar i och kan leda till. För att göra detta narrativanalyseras fyra svenska dagspresstidningars rapportering om olika självmordsattacker i tre olika fall: de utförda av de tamilska tigrarna på Sri Lanka, samt självmordsattackerna i Moskvas respektive Londons tunnelbanesystem. De huvudsakliga observationer som uppsatsen utmynnar i, är att kvinnliga självmordsbombare oftare än män, definieras utefter sitt kön, samtidigt som tidningarna ibland gör avsteg från könsstereotypen om ”den irrationella kvinnan” och den rationella mannen”. Detta kan bland annat förklaras med att överskridelser av könsgränser försöker rationaliseras bort för att föreställningen om kvinnor som icke-våldsliga och män som våldsliga, ska kunna upprätthållas. Dessa föreställningar riskerar att leda till att fler kvinnor börjar utföra självmordsbombningar och att organisationer med kvinnliga självmordsbombare åtnjuter större sympatier än organisationer utan sådana.

Att spränga könsgränser.pdf (242.9Kb)

Beslut i säkerhetsrådet - konsekvensen av staters agerande. En teoriu...
Daniel, Engström : Malmö högskola/IMER (2008)	1-year master STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:	The primary purpose of this study is to develop a theoretical framework which can contribute to a broader theoretical understanding of the actions of the U.N. Security Council members. The framework rests upon a rationalistic foundation and it is constituted of three different models of explanation; a first one focuses on international power and security, the second is a domestic explanation of foreign policy behaviour and the third is an institutional explanation. The framework is then applied on a case study in which the actions of China and the United States in the Security Council are explained. Among the findings worth mentioning is that the members find the Security Council to be an important institution and that there is an apprehension of the precedential power of the institution. The study also shows that the action of the members largely is the result of long term calculation influenced by reciprocity and reputational effects. It is further indicated that the historical context influence the way state actions are perceived, hence it also affect the reciprocity and reputational effect. The study as well points out that a permanent member is more likely to use its veto when there are strong domestic reasons of so doing. In general the developed theoretical framework seems to be well suited to explain states behaviour in the Security Council and may provide a foundation for further theoretical studies on the subject.
Swedish abstract:	Studiens primära syfte är att utveckla ett teoretiskt ramverk som kan bidra till en ytterligare teoretisk förståelse för staters agerande i FN:s säkerhetsråd. Ramverket vilar på en rationalistisk grund och bygger på tre förklaringsmodeller; en första med fokus på internationell makt och säkerhet, en andra inomstatlig förklaring och en tredje institutionalistisk förklaring. Ramverket appliceras sedan på en fallstudie där Kinas och USA:s agerande i säkerhetsrådet analyseras. Bland studiens slutsatser bör framhållas att säkerhetsrådet av stater anses vara en viktig institution och att det råder en påtaglig respekt för rådets prejudicerande makt. Studien visar även att säkerhetsrådsmedlemmars beslut till stor del är resultatet av långsiktiga kalkyler utifrån reciprocitet och ryktespåverkan, samt att den historiska kontexten påverkar hur staters agerande tas emot av övriga medlemmar. Vidare indikerar studien att staters veton främst kan härledas till inomstatliga faktorer. Uppsatsens ramverk får anses vara väl anpassat för att förklara staters agerande i säkerhetsrådet och kan utgöra grunden för vidare forskning inom ämnet.

Beslut i säkerh ... en av staters agerande.pdf (233.8Kb)

CEDAW och kvinnors reproduktiva rättigheter - en radikalfeministisk a...
Golnar A., Bahar : Malmö högskola/IMER (2005)	bachelor STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:	The subordination of women as a group has long been a question that has stood in the shadow of other traditional political questions on a global level. Although, since 1979 there has existed a women’s convention settled by the UN, CEDAW, which intends to through international legislation guarantee women the same rights as men in all parts of public life. However, there are many indications that show that women still don’t have the same rights in practice as men do. The purpose of this essay is to define those parts of CEDAW that are defective and thereby constitute obstacles for loosening up the patriarchal structures, and also to use The Mexico City Policy (MCP) as an example of these kinds of obstacles that exist in international politics. The intention is as well to, with the help of radical feminism, argue why one should also take into consideration the discrimination against women in the private areas of life. The analysis of this essay has shown that the convention’s gender-neutral language and the states parties’ lacking respect for the conventions mechanism for application are the factors that constitute the greatest obstacles for the elimination of discrimination of women. The lack of status these questions have in international politics is also the reason why MCP can and does exist.
Swedish abstract:	Underordningen av kvinnor som grupp har på global nivå länge varit en fråga som stått i skuggan av traditionella politiska frågor. Sedan 1979 har det dock funnits en kvinnokonvention stadgad av FN, CEDAW, som har som mål att genom internationell lagstiftning garantera kvinnor samma rättigheter som män på alla områden av det offentliga livet. Ändå finns det många indikationer som visar att kvinnor fortfarande inte i praktiken har samma möjligheter som män. Syftet med denna uppsats är att definiera de punkter som är bristfälliga med CEDAW och som därmed utgör ett hinder för uppluckringen av de patriarkala strukturerna, och lägga fram The Mexico City Policy som ett exempel på sådana hinder i internationell politik. Vidare är syftet även att med hjälp av radikalfeministisk teori argumentera för varför man bör ta i beaktande diskriminering av kvinnor även i den privata sfären. Av analysen i uppsatsen har det framkommit att kvinnokonventionens genusneutrala språk och den bristande respekten från konventionsstaternas sida gentemot konventionens tillämpningsmekanik är de faktorer som är de största hindren för avskaffande av diskrimineringen av kvinnor. Den låga status dessa frågor har i internationell politik är även orsaken till varför MCP kan finnas och finns.

helcuppsatsen.pdf (243.5Kb)

EU DEVELOPMENT POLICY FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES VS. THE NEW SECURITY A...
DARKO, PHIDELIA : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2010)	bachelor STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:

Development issues have been the centre of most international governmental organisations for quite a long time. Most developing countries tend to depend on Western foreign donors to assist them in their developmental ambitions. Ghana as a developing nation also depends on it foreign donors to finance most of it developmental projects. Even though the European Union is an international governmental organisation that is much known for assisting developing countries with their developmental projects it is anticipated that recent occurrence such as the global economic meltdown, climate change coupled with terrorist attacks on most developed nations will limit or perhaps even halt the flow of development aid to developing countries as they might be more concerned with securing their territory rather than thinking of other people somewhere else. This is because such occurrences have resulted in raising a new concern, thus the New Security Agenda or Human Security. The Human Security in respect to its economic sector is what this paper deals with. This paper takes a critical look on Ghana’s Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (GPRS), as pertaining to the aspect of these papers that received developmental aid from the European Development Fund (EDF). It is proved here that almost all aspect of Ghana’s developmental projects in one way or other received funding from the EDF. The New Security Agenda in terms of its economic sector was rather found out to be a positive influence for developing nations like Ghana as a result of the country’s stability. This is because it was found out that rather than limiting the flow of development aid to Ghana, it is during this time that the 10th EDF budget for Ghana received the highest funding. It was later found out that all these developmental projects conforms to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which is also an area of concern in the New Security Agenda. All this occurrences are much more explained along a theoretical framework (thus the notions of liberalism, critical theory and constructivism). However other academic works on the subject matter was also comprehensively acknowledged.

IR NEW2.pdf (Master copy).pdf (458.5Kb)

Framing Nicaragua 1979-1990 - A case study of the ability of media ma...
Christoffersen Yousefi, Jessica : Malmö högskola/IMER (2007)	bachelor STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:

The 1980’s were troublesome years for the Nicaraguan Sandinist government and its citizens. After accomplishing the task of overthrowing the 43 years of Somoza rule in Nicaragua, a new challenge was waiting in the shape of the American war against communism. The former Somoza National Guard transformed into the notorious contras, also known as the CIA- and American government-backed freedom fighters who worked hard to recoup the nation and halter the socialist movement in the Central Americas. Today in 2007 the world knows what kind of interventions the Sandinist rule stood victims of; air-raids, sabotage, embargos and mining of the Nicaraguan harbour. Eventually the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that the United States should immediately cease and refrain from any action restricting access to or from Nicaraguan ports, and, in particular, the laying of mines. But what did the American public know about its country’s silent war against Nicaragua? This is the core question of this paper. How did the media, and more specifically, how did one of the largest American newspapers the New York Times present the events in Nicaragua to its readers? This essay examines New York Times-headlines and articles covering the years between 1979-1990 in the Nicaraguan history, by means of using the agenda-setting theory, developed by Maxwell McCombs in cooperation with his colleagues Don Shaw and David Weaver. The results of this study will show confirmation of how the New York Times framed the nation of Nicaragua into a communist framework, describing the country as a authentic threat against the American society and its values. The information provided by the New York Times during this era played without doubt a key role in the construction of the American public’s visions of the Nicaraguan reality. By using attributes when mentioning Nicaragua such as “Cuba”, “the threat of nuclear war”, “Soviet” and “communism”, the American public opinion most certainly came to reflect and support the media agenda. To paraphrase McCombs, ‘The media set the agenda when they are successful in riveting attention on a problem. They build the public agenda when they supply the context that determines how people think about the issue and evaluates its merits.’

C-uppsats IR ht-06.pdf (346.2Kb)

Från gråbrungrönt till ökenfärgat Är svensk säkerhetspolitik realisti...
Malmgren, Johan : Malmö högskola/IMER (2006)	1-year master STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:	In this case study the pattern of small states increasing willingness to use military force on the international arena, is being used in order to test the realist theory. Are the actions taken by small states expected behavior according to a broad understanding of the realist theory? To find out, the Swedish military development is put in the center of this study. The study proceeds in three steps; first out is a closer look at the new security threat, next the counter measures is examined, in particular the Peace Support Operations. Finally the realist theory tries to explain the behavior of small states. The conclusion of this study indicates that the increasing willingness to take military risk actually can increase the level of threat against the small state. This is not an expected behavior of a small state. Although the study also indicate that small states use its military operation, to indirectly gain power in other fields of interest. (26818 words)
Swedish abstract:	Denna teoriprövande fallstudie försöker svara på frågan om små staters ökande militära internationella ambitioner, och villighet att ta militära risker är ett förväntat beteende utifrån ett brett realistisk perspektiv. I centrum för undersökningen går den svenska säkerhets- och försvarspolitiska utveckling under luppen. Uppsatsen har en hög abstraktionsnivå och under undersökningens gång görs tre nedslag som alla försöker belysa realismen aktualitet. Inledningsvis undersöks dagens oklara hotbild, för att därefter ta en närmare titt på de motåtgärder som EU- länderna gemensamt har bestämt sig för, varvid begreppet Peace support operations belyses ur ett realistiskt perspektiv. Slutligen diskuteras hur realismen kan förklara små staters agerande varvid olika möjligheter diskuteras. Detta leder fram till en slutsats som konstaterar att små staters militära aktivitet mycket väl kan öka hotet mot den egna staten snarare än att eliminera det, vilket inte är ett förväntat realistiskt beteende av små stater. Dock finns indikationer på att små stater, möjligen använder sig av militära medel för att indirekt maximera sin makt i andra samanhang. ( 26818 ord)

d_uppsats_20060901_mal.pdf (349.7Kb)

Have the interventions of the International Labour Organization to th...
Naskali, Tiina : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2009)	1-year master STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:

Global economical crisis has set high expectations to national politics. Working issues are highly connected to many political principles and actions. This is why concentrating on the form and efficiency of interventions of the International Labour Organization (ILO) can be seen as a very current topic. In this study there are two case countries, Ar-gentina and Finland. In democratic point of view they have fairly similar paths in the field of labour and the activity concerning these issues has been quite noticeable in the past, even though they are in different stage of development. Work is seen as a human right and fair conditions of work are presented through impor-tant international covenants. The ideology of social justice, as presented by John Rawls, is introduced here as the concept is central to the work of the ILO. In order to under-stand the meaning of social justice to the functionality of the ILO and to get a clearer picture of organizational relations in the labour markets, the organizational theoretical approaches by Starbuck and Scherer are brought up. This is also done in order to under-stand whether an international organizational actor, within field that is still seen to be highly under the control of sovereign countries themselves, can work efficiently. There were no directly related former studies found concerning not only the work of national labour organizations but also of the ILO. The indicators are based on most gen-eral and central subjects covered by the International Labour Standards, provided by the ILO. Indicators used to measure the efforts of the countries to appreciate the contents of international covenants are: ratification of international conventions, national legislation and labour organizational structure. The ones used to measure the efficiency of the ILO interventions are: activity of the ILO in the national level, functionality of the complaint system and the number of complaints. By analysing the information found through the indicators is meant to find out if the ILO has had effective interventions to the labour markets of the case countries in 1990s and the early 21st century. The hypothesis is that concerning the developing countries the ILO has more flexibility and power to its inter-ventions, and in question of highly developed and generally democratic countries more challenges are met concerning how to keep the response system active and abreast.

Have the interv ... er Thesis Naskali 2009.pdf (150.4Kb)

Hotet från grannen: En studie av regional säkerhetskomplex-teori utif...
Ottosson, Peter : Malmö högskola/IMER (2009)	bachelor STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:	Regional security complex theory is a centerpiece of the Copenhagen school, and it primarily describes security on a regional level-of-analysis. The theory can be described as mixture of neorealism and constructivism, all seen from a regionalist point-of-view. The purpose of this thesis is to find out what this theory contributes to the understanding of security, apart from what conventional theory, such as neorealism and liberalism, teaches us. I will try to accomplish this thru two case studies where different theories are compared to each other and their explanatory power is studied. One of my case studies is on Europe, the other on the post-soviet sphere, focused on Russia. I conclude that regional security complex theory has both pros and cons. Its strength lies in the ability to encompass regions all over the world, despite the significant differences in their respective security dynamics. The theory also leaves space for non-state actors and non-military aspects of security. Further more, it describes a complex interplay of different levels-of-analysis. The weaknesses of the theory include a lack of causality, unclear constructivist variables, as well as an inability to describe regional overlapping.
Swedish abstract:	Regional säkerhetskomplex-teori är en central del av Köpenhamnsskolan, och den beskriver säkerhet som något som sker framför allt på en regional analysnivå. Teorin kan beskrivas som en blandning mellan neorealism och konstruktivism, sett ur ett regionalistiskt perspektiv. I den här uppsatsen försöker jag ta reda på vad den här teorin tillför till förståelsen av säkerhetspolitik, utöver vad vi lär oss av konventionell neorealistisk eller liberal teori. Detta gör jag genom två fallstudier där de olika teorierna jämförs med varandra och deras förklaringskraft studeras. Min ena fallstudie handlar om Europa, den andra om den post-sovjetiska sfären med fokus på Ryssland. Jag drar slutsatsen att regional säkerhetskomplex-teori har både för- och nackdelar jämfört med dominerande teorier. Dess styrka är förmågan att omfatta flera olika regioner i världen trots att deras säkerhetsdynamik skiljer sig markant från varandra. Teorin lämnar också utrymme för icke-statliga aktörer och icke-militära aspekter av säkerhet. Vidare så ger den oss ett komplext samspel mellan olika analysnivåer. Bland teorins svagheter finns en brist på kausalitet, otydliga konstruktivistiska variabler, samt problem med att beskriva överlappningar mellan olika regioner.

Hotet från grannen (slutgiltig version).pdf (1.960Mb)

How to Succeed with an EU Twinning Project -A Case Study on a Twinnin...
Ahsani, Sarang; Mahdi, Majed : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2010)	1-year master STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:

During the term of 2010 we received a Minor Field Study scholarship from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), which allowed us to do a two-month study in Tirana, Albania. The study examined one of Europe’s most common tools when it comes to assisting candidate countries, potential candidate countries, and neighbouring countries of the European Union: Twinning. The idea of Twinning is that the beneficiary country gets assistance from EU member state institutions in order to develop its own institutions, in terms of standards of quality and safety. We have observed a Twinning project structured in the form of a consortium between the Swedish Tax Agency and the French Tax Agency assisting the Albanian General Tax Directorate (GTD) in Tirana. The study highlights the relationship between the four different actors involved in the ongoing project (EU, Sweden, France and Albania) and Twinning as a working method. More specifically we investigated (A) the transition from an old to a new system and if any difficulties emerged in the process, (B) what necessary factors are needed for a successful Twinning project, and (C) how the actors’ different backgrounds affect the project. The result we gained from the field study shows that the transition towards a new system progresses well as long as the project follows the main principles of Twinning: partnership and cooperation. These two principles allow the Albanian GTD to direct the project and decide the direction of their Europeanization process. Twinning generates many positive aspects e.g. institutional understanding and friendship, and it brings the cooperating nations closer to each other. The difficulties that have emerged have been technical or when one of the actors has not followed the structure of the project. These difficulties are natural in the beginning of any project since structures and relations take time to establish. Three main qualities affect the outcome of this Twinning project: experience, flexibility and communication. Actors involved in the project have to be experienced, in form of personal as well as institutional experience. Besides, they have to be flexible since the project follows the development of society where unpredicted needs can emerge. Most importantly, communication has to be free from friction between the actors in order to maintain the partnership principle of Twinning. Our analysis shows that the outcomes of this Twinning project are mutually shaped between the actors involved. Therefore, the emphasis should be on personal abilities to mutually create a working structure that follows the principles of Twinning.

How to Succeed ... ing Project in Albania.pdf (1.112Mb)

Intresse, makt och kunskap: en regimteoretsik analys av klimatförändr...
Berséus, Jesper : Malmö högskola/IMER (2007)	bachelor STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:	The primary aim of this essay is to search and verify variables of significance, in the formative process of the climate change regime, which holds causal influence in explaining this formation. This is done by the construction of a theoretical framework based on components of the regime theoretical perspectives of interest, power and knowledge with the focus on regime formation. Hence, this serves the purpose of firstly determining when the regime was established and the scope of the process leading to the establishment, and secondly to clarify the variables of significance. With these premises in mind the variables of importance were essentially; the actors possibility and interest to adopt a problem-solving and integrative bargaining approach under the veil of uncertainty, stemmed by the use of decision-making procedures by consensus and focus on the issues of justice and equity; the exercise of power and use of relative power capabilities in the power struggle of determining the rules of the game; and the rise of scientific consensus about the human influence on global climate and suitable adopting strategies, and its prospect of influence actors with decision-making possibilities.
Swedish abstract:	Denna uppsats syfte är att söka och fastställa de variabler av vikt, inom klimatförändringsregimens tillkomstprocess, som har betydelse för att regimen har tillkommit. Denna studie genomförs genom skapandet av ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av de regimteoretiska perspektiven intresse, makt och kunskap. Detta används vidare för att först fastställa när regimen skapas och dess tillkomstprocess, för att sedan åskådliggöra variabler av vikt. Utifrån dessa premisser visar denna studie att variablerna av vikt särskilt var: förhandlingsparternas möjlighet och intresse att anta den problemlösande formen av en integrativ förhandlingsapproach under beslöjningen av osäkerhet, vilket stimulerades av användandet av beslutsmekanism efter konsensus och koncentration på rättviseaspekter; användandet av makt och utnyttjandet av relativa maktmöjligheter inom kampen att diktera reglerna; och framkomsten av vetenskaplig konsensus om både lämpliga anpassningsstrategier och den mänskliga påverkan av jordens klimat, samt dess möjlighet till influerande av aktörer med bestämmandemakt.

C-uppsats_Intresse_makt_kunskap.pdf (286.8Kb)

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Energy Cooperation in the Caucasus: Continuity and Change in Russian-...
Kuhn, Sascha; Mosler, David; Richter, Katharina : Malmö högskola/Kultur och samhälle (2010)	STUDENT ESSAY

English abstract:	This essay aims to be a contribution to the contemporary debate on the “Just War Theory” in a way that challenges traditional concepts of the theory, especially the idea that only sovereign states constitutes legitimate authorities. Using Hezbollah as a case study, the author argues that the organization’s enormous popularity and de facto control over considerable parts of Lebanon makes Hezbollah a legitimate ruler of its territory. Consequently Hezbollah, despite being a non-state actor, should be regarded as a legitimate authority and thus capable of fighting just wars.
Swedish abstract:	Denna uppsats syftar till att vara ett bidrag till den samtida debatten kring teorin om rättfärdiga krig. I uppsatsen utmanas rådande föreställningar om rättfärdiga krig, i synnerhet idén om att endast suveräna stater utgör legitima auktoriteter. Uppsatsen använder Hizbollah som fallstudie och författaren argumenterar för att rörelsens enorma popularitet och de facto kontroll över stora områden gjort Hizbollah till en legitim härskare. Därmed bör Hizbollah, trots att rörelsen är en icke-statlig aktör i Libanon, betraktas som en legitim auktoritet som kan utkämpa rättfärdiga krig.

Norms, Social Fitness and the Construction of Intersubjectivity - A S...
Benderson, Martin : Malmö högskola/IMER (2007)	bachelor STUDENT ESSAY