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Läroplaner för de yngre barnen : Utvecklingen från 1800-talets mitt t...
Vallberg Roth, Ann-Christine Journal article in Pedagogisk forskning i Sverige;4 Årg 6 : Institutionen för pedagogik och didaktik, Göteborgs universitet (2001)	ARTICLE

Det är ju ett annat jobb : Förskollärare, grundskollärare och lärarst...
Persson, Sven; Tallberg Broman, Ingegerd Journal article in Pedagogisk forskning i Sverige;4 Årg 7 : Institutionen för pedagogik och didaktik, Göteborgs universitet (2002)	ARTICLE

English abstract:

In this article the task of the teaching profession in relation to the role of the family, both at present and in historical terms, is discussed. Considerable changes in the tasks teachers are given have occurred within recent years. Schools have been given increasing responsibility not only for education but also for the upbringing of children. This has confronted teachers with a variety of new tasks and problems. Giving teachers much of the responsibility that parents traditionally had for the bringing up of children can be viewed against the background of a critical attitude which the pluralistic society of today has shown toward the role of parents and of the family. In the social and educational professions as these have developed, criticisms of parents and of their manner of bringing up their children have been voiced repeatedly (Donzelot 1997, Johansson 1993). This has been accompanied by an increasing professionalism in the care of children. Criticisms of the parental role have paved the way for an increase in the tasks the schools are given. Schools are expected to create a holistic context and a sense of citizenship based on the values generally accepted in society. This is seen as calling for more comprehensive work on the part of teachers. As a result, teachers are faced with difficult and complex problems today. The postmodern pluralism of childhood, with the many different forms it can take, calls into question the demands for homogeneity, stability and normality that institutionalised ideologies make. This confrontation between schools as they presently exist and postmodern conceptions of childhood leads to a questioning of the goal of creating normality (Hargreaves 1994). The basic aim of the project in which we are engaged is to analyze how the responsibility for reproducing the goals and content of society is divided up at present, and has been divided up earlier, between the home and the school. The results of two investigations are presented: - In the one study, elementary school and preschool teachers from schools in two areas of differing socioeconomic level described in open-ended interviews their thoughts regarding their professional task, as well as children generally, childhood and the role of parents. That study had a clear perspective of change. Those interviewed have also been asked to report their views on the changes that had occurred in the teaching task and in the content of their profession. - The other investigation was a questionnaire study of teacher-training students in either their first or their final semester of training. The questions involved were based on statements the teachers who had taken part in the interview investigation had made. The statements made in the interview by the teachers from schools in the two areas of differing socioeconomic level, regarding their tasks being much broader than they had been earlier, were very much alike. It thus seems to be factors other than those of the character of the area involved that affect how changes in the role of teachers are experienced. It appeared that the flexibility of the women teachers was taken advantage of. The new expectations placed on teachers were seen to involve a redefinition of the teaching profession that those interviewed were unwilling to accept. As they expressed it the content of their work was being transformed from working with children to working increasingly with groups of adults and they explained of there being no adequate rationale for the changes that had occurred. They considered that the demands placed on them failed to correspond to certain deeply rooted conceptions of their profession, representing a clear threat to their professional identity, creating a sense of insecurity in their day-by-day work. They also regarded it as being a change for the worse in their professional status through its degrading their position from their being educators to their providing children help and support on an individual basis (Johansson & Pramling 2000). Those teaching at both the preschool and the primary school level provided a negative account of childhood and parenting today, describing children as being less empathetic and less concentrated today than earlier. The preschool teachers in particular felt that children had difficulties in playing with each other, whilst the elementary school teachers emphasised marked difficulties children had in following norms. The preschool and the elementary school teachers from the ecnomically less privileged area agreed closely with each other in describing children as being unconcentrated, being inept in their use of language, showing a lack of empathy and having difficulties in playing with each other. Although the elementary school and preschool teachers from schools in the economically prosperous area likewise considered childhood to be particularly problematical today, their major criticisms differed from the views just reported. They described children as having an overly scheduled and planned existence, one that differed from what they considered to be a happy childhood situation. They considered children to have too structured an existence and to be overly exposed to stress. The teachers as a whole felt that the conditions with which parents are faced today have changed. Parents do not have the same possibilities for bringing up their children as earlier and have partly given up the responsibilities in this respect that they once took. This result was independent of the socioeconomic status of the parents. At the same time, two differing conceptions of the problems with which parents are faced were evident. Parents from the more well-to-do area were considered to be subjected to a high degree of stress, to have very strong demands placed on them, and to work so much that they were unable to spend sufficient time with their children. Parents from the more economically depressed area were considered to likewise neglect their children, although in a different way - many of them having social problems and letting their children fend for themselves to a large extent. It was felt that the conditions for the upbringing of children in the home had declined. Teachers felt they were increasingly involved in the children's and the families' private lives and that their responsibilities toward children had increased. There appeared to be no comparable increase in the involvement of parents in matters of the preschool and elementary school education of their children. In summary, one can say that the preschool teachers and primary school teachers from schools in both socioeconomic areas were engaged in compensatory efforts to reconstruct for their pupils more of what they regarded as being ideal childhood conditions, involving children being provided with a calm and relaxed environment, having more free time, having more outdoor activities, developing a greater degree of fantasy and greater empathy, being better able to play with each other, being more active physically and having greater respect both for adults and for other children. What was regarded as the most important task of the elementary school and the preschool was to provide children with a sense of self-confidence, joy and a desire to learn. The teacher's task was seen as being a difficult one if this was combined, in these times of reductions in educational resources, with the need of conducting psychologically problematical discussions both with children and with their parents. Regarding the questionnaire results, a particular concern of the teacher trainees for the problems of both children and their parents and their belief that giving children a sense of security was the foremost function of the pre-school and the elementary school alike could be noted. Among those preparing to be preschool teachers, those in their last semester of training showed a more critical attitude towards children and their parents than those in their first semester of training. No such differences were noted, however, among those preparing to be elementary school teachers, although there were differences between the first and last semester groups in the problems they emphasized and in their conceptions regarding the teaching profession and the school as an institution. We plan to relate the various patterns we discovered to questions of the content of teacher training. How do those involved in teacher training view the broadened tasks that teachers are faced by today? How is the extended responsibility for children on the part of teachers dealt with in teacher training? Are the relations of teachers to the families of the children discussed in a critical way? What position is taken toward the rights of parents to influence the schools? Teacher training has been criticized for its failure to emphasize either the importance of caring for the emotional needs of the individual child or the important role that many socioemotional relations teachers develop play (Gannerud 1999). It is often felt that during teacher training too little attention is directed at these highly important aspects of teacher work. Regardless of the socioeconomic context in which their teaching took place, the teachers who were interviewed told of the teaching profession having changed in the direction of greater emphasis being placed on social dimensions and of the teacher's task being broadened. Despite this increase in the teachers' social responsibilities, both in preschools and elementary schools, this matter appeared not to have been dealt with either in their socialization to the role of being a teacher or in their teacher training. They described a conflict between professional ideologies they had come to accept, both during their teacher training and on the basis of traditions propagated generally in their profession, and the demands and expectations placed on them by the changed tasks they were confronted by, one which led to a sense of uncertainty in their professional identity. The conceptions they had of what a happy childhood involves collided with how they experienced the childhood of those children with whom they had contact in their teaching. The statements of the teachers in our interviews concern a teaching profession caught up in change. The professional identity of teachers is being challenged. It is also difficult for teachers to set limits to the tasks with which they are faced. Many of the statements the teachers made can be considered to represent strategies for defining their profession, directing criticism at the family being one way of dealing with the challenges involved and of defining their task. Strong protests against being confronted with tasks of a more social character, involving the need of giving the individual children particular support and understanding, can be noted. Criticism of this sort was particularly strong on the part of the elementary school teachers, who considered the changes involved to constitute a lowering of their professional status. A sense of security was a central concept we noted in the material, a concept clearly integrated into the institutional and professional ideology of both the preschool and the elementary school teachers, who obviously considered that providing children with it was a major goal of their work. The tendency to think in these terms could be examined in relation to gender, to class or to ethnicity. Both those involved in teaching and those preparing for it are predominately women, who are given a social, collective and normative task. Providing a sense of security can be regarded as an antidote to a sense of disorder and to the development of an increasingly pluralistic society caught up in a process of rapid change. Endeavoring to achieve a sense of security can also be viewed as a typical Swedish or Nordic cultural trait, one that is strongly emphasized by both teachers and parents (Gullestad 1997, Iwarsson Jansson 2001, Kvalbein 1998, Nikolova 2001). One can note, finally, that discussions of problems in a personal and thoroughgoing way with both children and their parents, as well as considering the most important goal of education to be that of providing children a sense of security through use of educational methods that are very much individually oriented, represent a sociopedagogical approach that is partly new. It is one that requires a considerable degree of rethinking on the part of many educators.

Kunskap genom rap: Hiphop som hantverk, pedagogik och aktivism
Söderman, Johan; Folkestad, Göran Journal article in Pedagogisk forskning i Sverige;1 : Göteborgs universitet (2008)	peer-reviewed scientific ARTICLE

English abstract:	Knowledge through rap – hiphop as craft, education and activism This article highlights three rappers who use hiphop as a tool for craft, activism and education. Toni Blackman uses hiphop to mediate a musical craftsmanship. Her educational and social projects with hiphop has attracted some attention in different media. She has been guest professor at the University of Michigan and she has visited different countries in Africa, Europe and Asia as an American Cultural Specialist and as a volontary worker for UNESCO. Nabila Abdul Fattah connects her hiphop activities with political activism. She has a social pedagogy degree and works as a recreation instructor in the area of Hammarkullen in Gothenburg. She also gives concerts as a rapper and works as a journalist. In the pedagogy of Behrang Miri, hiphop is an effective tool when communicating with children and young people. He is well-known for his educational activities in the region of Malmö. Among other things, he has been holding lectures at Malmö Academy of Music and at Malmö University. The research question in this article is formulated as: How do rappers talk about hiphop, their activities, and learning, starting from the notions of musical craftsmanship, education and activism? Qualitative and individual interviews have been carried out in the study. The interviews can be seen as semi-structured and as naturally occuring talk, even though there was a clear focus on learning and hiphop in the conversations. The interviews have been transcribed and each interview lasted for approximately one hour. Supplementary data from other interviews in the media have also been used to provide a more thorough understanding of the rappers. The rappers talk about hiphop as a political tool. Political engagement can be promoted by a connection to hiphop. The music is described as a language which can communciate with people who usually don’t read newspapers. Music is an informative force, which makes it suitable for political messages. The rappers express a conviction that there is an emancipatory force within hiphop music, which can plead the cause of marginalized people. Marginalization and alienation are recurrent themes in the talk of the rappers. Women and Afro-Americans are two groups who are described as marginalized in American society. This collective feeling of marginalization, something experienced by many Afro-Americans, is often described in famous hiphop songs. Nabila was the only foreigner in her class at school in Sundsvall where she grew up. She dreamt of being blond so she would look like the other girls in the class. Behrang saw the alienation when he started high-school and was the only foreigner in his class. All three rappers are convinced that unjustice exists in society and that some people are being marginalized and stigmatized. The rappers want to be the voice of the weak. Nabila wishes to give voice to the groups of people whose voices go unheard. Toni is fighting for female rappers, so that they may make their voices heard in the world of hiphop dominated by men. Behrang’s mission is to get young people of different social backgrounds to get to know each other, from a local as well as a global perspective. He works with the integration between schools in Malmö, which is a city described in Swedish media as the most segregated in Sweden. A constant theme in the rappers’ talk is the power of knowledge. Since hiphop started 30 years ago, social activism and education have been associated with hiphop. The founder, Afrika Bambaataa, has talked about knowledge as the fifth element of hiphop. Nabila expresses the importance of knowledge and education in her talk. Behrang describes how he started to do well at school thanks to hiphop. He thus bestows a compensatory function on hiphop, and expresses the possibility to achieve traditional knowledge through hiphop. Like the Scandinavian adult educators in the past, the rappers wish to become the mouthpieces of the weak people in society. At the same time the double function of Scandinavian adult education is made visible in the talk of the rappers: a radical educational ideal with an emancipatory purpose, where people are the subjects is interacting with a patriarchal ideal where the people are the objects, and good taste is announced to other people from an “above perspective”. This is all about an aestethic training in order to “inoculate” people against commercial culture. It has its roots in a bourgeois ideology. Thus, these adult educating rappers can be seen as both culturally conservative and culturally radical in their talk about their educational activities.
Swedish abstract:	I fokus för denna artikel står tre rappare som i sina respektive verksamheter använder hiphop som hantverk, pedagogik och aktivism. Forskningsfrågan formulerades: Hur talar rappare om hiphop, sin verksamhet och om lärande med utgångspunkt i begreppen musikaliskt hantverk, pedagogik och aktivism? Individuella intervjuer har genomförts med de tre rapparna. Intervjuerna var närmast ostrukturerade och kan betraktas som fria samtal även om samtalen fokuserade på lärande och hiphop. I den kvalitativa analysen framträder hur rapparna talar om hiphop som politiskt verktyg, om marginalisering och utanförskap, om hur de gör sig själva till röster för samhällets svagare grupper och om kunskapens kraft. Folkbildningens dubbla funktion synliggörs i rapparnas tal om sina respektive verksamheter. Ett radikalt bildningsideal med emancipatorisk målsättning framträder där rapparna kämpar för att marginaliserade grupper ska kunna höja sina röster och förändra sina respektive livssituationer. Samtidigt framträder konturerna av ett patriarkalt bildningsideal, där människor görs till objekt. De tre rapparna ansluter sig här till en tradition där folkbildning innebär att förkunna ”den goda smaken” vilket blir synonymt med den goda hiphoppen. Dessa folkbildande rappare framstår således både som kulturradikala och kulturkonservativa i sitt tal om den folkbildande verksamheten.

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Med fokus på individer istället för på kulturer
Löf, Camilla Journal article in Kritisk Utbildningstidskrift;1 (2007)	ARTICLE

Empowering students to handle conflicts through the use of drama
Malm, Birgitte; Löfgren, Horst Journal article in Journal of Peace Education;1 : Routledge (2007)	peer-reviewed scientific ARTICLE

Personal reflections on professional practice. A portrayal of Nora
Malm, Birgitte Journal article in New Zealand Journal of Teacher's Work;5(2), 2008 (2008)	peer-reviewed scientific ARTICLE

Av, om och för barn. Källor till den barndomshistoriska forskningen
Sundkvist, Maria Journal article in barn;2 : NOSEB (2008)	scientific ARTICLE